Child Development Final Exam Review Answers

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• [DOWNLOAD] Child Development Final Exam Review Answers

  They are provided only in cases of illness on the day of the exam, or for compassionate reasons. No make-up exams without proper documentation. Include student number and reason for appointment. On each Monday of each week of the term, class...

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• [FREE] Child Development Final Exam Review Answers | latest

  Connecting with the Course Instructor: When you email me, you can expect a response within 2 business days Sat, Sun and holidays do not count. I plan to grade the exams within 6 business days. I plan to respond to discussion posts within 6 business...

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• Child Development Quiz Questions And Answers - Start Test Now

  In this nursing test bank , test your competence on the different theories on growth and development. The goal of this quiz is to help nursing students master the concepts of growth and development through these practice questions and NCLEX reviewer. This nursing test bank set includes 50 questions divided into two parts. Guidelines Read and understand each question before choosing the best answer. Since this is a review, answers and rationales are shown after you click on the "Check" button.

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• Multiple Choice Quiz

  There is no time limit, answer the questions at your own pace. Once all questions are answered, you'll be prompted to click the "Quiz Summary" button where you'll be shown the questions you've answered or placed under "Review". Click on the "Finish Quiz" button to show your rating. After the quiz, please make sure to read the questions and rationales again by click on the "View Questions" button. Comment us your thoughts, scores, ratings, and questions about the quiz in the comments section below!

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• Final Exam Study Guide

  You will learn that child development is complex and is influenced by a surprisingly rich number of factors at many different levels of organization. You will see that development can be studied in various domains and at various levels of understanding, from different angles and disciplines. Importantly, you will come to understand that processes within and between the various domains and levels of organization continuously interact to shape development. This implies that understanding development requires taking an interdisciplinary approach. In order to help you organize your thinking about this complexity you will learn more about the developmental systems approach and theories related to that.

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  We will look, amongst other things, at the brain and motor development, cognitive, language and social-emotional development and all the factors that have an influence on development. To illustrate how an interdisciplinary approach helps to understand child development you will see how researchers from various disciplines and backgrounds study child development at Utrecht University. These scientists will give a look in their field of knowledge and their collaboration with colleagues, to illustrate how the theory you will learn translates to practice. In sum, we invite you to follow us on a journey to understand child development from synapse to society! View All.

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  Thought is logical, flexible, and organized in its application to concrete information; Capacity for abstract thinking is not yet present; Spans the years 7 to 11 Formal operational Adolescents develop the capacity for abstract, systematic, scientific thinking; Begins around 11 years of age Basic trust vs mistrust Erikson; birth-1 year; From warm, responsive care, infants gain a sense of trust, or confidence that the world is good. Mistruts occurs when infants have to wiat too long for comfort and are handled harshly Autonomy vs sham and doubt Erkison; years; Using new mental and motor skills, children want to choos and decide for themselvs.

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  Autonomy is fostered whe parets permit reasonale fee chioces and do not force or shame the child. Initiative vs guilt Erikson; years; Through make-believe play, children explore the kind of person they can become. Initiative--a sense of ambition and responsibility--devleops when parents support thier child's new sense of purpose. When parents demand too much self-control, they induce excessive guilt.

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• Module One: Lesson One Self-assessment

  Industry vs inferiority Erikson; years; At school, children develop the capacity to work and cooperate with others. Inferiority develops when negative experiences at home, at school, or with peers lead to feelings of imcompetence. Identity vs role confusion Erikson; Adolecence; At school, children develop the capacity to work and cooperate with others. Intimacy vs isolation Erikson; Early adulthood; Young adutls work on establishing intimate ties to others. Because of earlier disappointments, some individuals cannot from clost relationshipsand remain isolated. Generativity vs stagnation Erikson; Middle adulthood; Middle-aged adults contribute to the next generation through child rearing, caring for other people, or productive work. The person who fails in these ways feels an absence of meaningful accomplishment. Ego integrity vs despair Erikson; Late adulthood; Elders relflect on the kind of person they have been.

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• Child Development Exam

  Integrity resutls from feeling that life was worth living as it happended. Those who are disatisfied with their lives fear death. Age-graded influences events that are strongly related to age and therefore fairly predictable in when they occur and how long they last History-graded influences expalin why people born around the same time--called a cohort--tend to be alike in ways that sent them apart from people born at other times Three components of Freud theory of personality ID.

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  Fischer and Daniel Bullock What is the nature of children's knowledge? How does their knowledge change with development? In pursuing these fundamental questions in the study of cognitive development, researchers often expand their focus to include a range of children's behaviors extending far beyond the standard meaning of knowledge. In the two primary cognitive-developmental traditions, the questions typically take different forms. In the structuralist tradition, influenced strongly by the work of Jean Piaget, Heinz Werner, and others, the questions are: How is behavior organized, and how does the organization change with development? In the functionalist tradition, influenced strongly by behaviorism and information processing, the question is: What are the processes that produce or underlie behavioral change? In this chapter we review major conclusions from both traditions about cognitive development in school-age children.

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• Psychology 2040B-650 (online)

  The study of cognitive development, especially in school-age children, has been one of the central focuses of developmental research over the last 25 years. There is an enormous research literature, with thousands of studies investigating cognitive change from scores of specific perspectives. Despite this diversity, there does seem to be a consensus emerging about 1 the conclusions to be reached from research to date and 2 the directions new research and theory should take. A major part of this consensus grows from an orientation that seems to be pervading the field: It is time to move beyond the opposition of structuralism and functionalism and begin to build a broader, more integrated approach to cognitive development see Case, ; Catania, ; Fischer, ; Flavell, a.

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• Developmental Psychology Final Exam Review

  Indeed, we argue that without such an integration attempts to explain the development of behavior are doomed. The general orientations or investigations of cognitive development are similar for all age groups—infancy, childhood, and adulthood. The vast majority of investigations, however, involve children of school age and for those children a number of specific issues arise, including in particular the relationship between schooling and cognitive development. This chapter first describes the emerging consensus about the patterns of cognitive development in school-age children.

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• Introduction To Early Childhood Final Exam

  A description of this consensus leads naturally to a set of core issues that must be dealt with if developmental scientists are to build a more adequate explanation of developmental structure and process. How do the child and the environment collaborate in development? How does the pattern of development vary across traditional categories of behavior, such as cognition, emotion, and social behavior? And what methods are available for addressing these issues in research? Under the framework provided by these broad issues, there are a number of different directions research could take. Four that seem especially promising to us involve the relationship between cognitive development and emotional dynamics, the relationship between brain changes and cognitive development, the role of informal teaching and other modes of social interaction in cognitive development, and the nature and effects of schooling and literacy.

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  These four directions are taken up in a later section. Patterns Of Developmental Change One of the central focuses in the controversies between structuralist and functionalist approaches has been whether children develop through stages. Much of this controversy has been obscured by fuzzy criteria for what counts as a stage, but significant advances have been made in pinning down criteria e. In addition, developmentalists seem to be moving away from pitting structuralism and functionalism against each other toward viewing them as complementary; psychological development can at the same time be stagelike in some ways and not at all stagelike in other ways. As a result of these recent advances in the field, it is now possible to sketch a general portrait of the status of stages in the development of children. That is, 1 their behavior changes gradually not abruptly, 2 they develop at different rates in different domains rather than showing synchronous change across domains, and 3 different children develop in different ways Feldman, ; Flavell, b.

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• 80 Child Development Interview Questions And Answers

  Cognitive development does show, however, a number of weaker stagelike characteristics. First, within a domain, development occurs in orderly sequences of steps for relatively homogeneous populations of children Flavell, That is, for a given population of children, development in a domain can be described in terms of a specific sequence, in which behavior a develops first, then behavior b, and so forth. The explanation and prediction of such sequences is not always easy, but there do seem to be many instances of orderly sequences in particular domains. Second, these steps often mark major qualitative changes in behavior—changes in behavioral organization. That is, in addition to developing more of the abilities they already have, children also seem to develop new types of abilities. This fact is reflected in the appearance of behaviors that were not previously present for some particular context or task.

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  For example, in pretend play the understanding of concrete social roles, such as that of a doctor interacting with a patient, emerges at a certain point in a developmental sequence for social categories and is usually present by the age at which children begin school Watson, Likewise, the understanding of conservation of amount of clay develops at a certain point in a developmental sequence for conservation. More generally, there appear to be times of large-scale reorganization of behaviors across many but not all domains. At these times, children show more than the ordinary small qualitative changes that occur every day.

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  They demonstrate major qualitative changes, and these changes seem to be characterized by large, rapid change across a number of domains Case, ; Fischer et al. Indeed, the speed of change is emerging as a promising general measure for the degree of reorganization. We refer to these large-scale reorganizations as levels. We use the term steps to designate any qualitative change that can be described in terms of a developmental sequence, regardless of whether it involves a new level.

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• Child Psychology Final Exam Study Guide

  Third, there seem to be some universal steps in cognitive development, but their universality appears to depend on the way they are defined. When steps are defined abstractly and in broad terms or when large groups of skills are considered, developmental sequences seem to show universality across domains and across children in different social groups. When skills of any specificity are considered, however, the numbers and types of developmental steps seem to change as a function of both the context and the individual child Bullock, ; Feldman and Toulmin, ; Fischer and Corrigan, ; Roberts, ; Silvern, For large-scale macrodevelopmental changes, then, there seem to be some universals, but for small-scale microdevelopmental changes, individual differences appear to be the norm.

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  The nature of individual differences seems to be especially important for school-age children and is discussed in greater depth in a later section. Large-Scale Developmental Reorganizations In macrodevelopment there seem to be several candidates for universal large-scale reorganizations—times when major new types of skills are emerging and development is occurring relatively fast. Different structuralist frameworks share a surprising consensus about most of these levels, although opinions are not unanimous Kenny, The exact characterizations of each level also vary somewhat across frameworks.

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  Our descriptions of each level, including the age of emergence, are intended to capture the consensus. Between 4 and 18 years of age—the time when many children spend long periods of time in a school setting—there seem to be four levels. The first major reorganization, apparently beginning at approximately age 4 in middle-class children in Western cultures, is characterized by the ability to deal with simple relations of representations Bickhard, ; Biggs and Collis, ; Case and Khanna, ; Fischer, ; Isaac and O'Connor, ; Siegler, ; Wallon, Children acquire the ability to perform many tasks that involve coordinating two or more ideas.

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• Lifespan Development Exam | Psychology Quiz - Quizizz

  For example, they can do elementary perspective-taking, in which they relate a representation of someone else's perceptual viewpoint with a representation of their own Flavell, ; Gelman, Similarly, they can relate two social categories, e. Piaget hypothesized that late in the second year children develop representation, which is the capacity to think about things that are not present in their immediate experience, such as an object that has disappeared. He suggested that, starting with these initial representations, children show a gradual increase in the complexity of representations throughout the preschool years, culminating in a new stage of equilibrium called ''concrete operations'' beginning at age 6 or 7. Research has demonstrated that children acquire more sophisticated abilities during the preschool years than Piaget had originally described Gelman, , and theorists have hypothesized the emergence of an additional developmental level between ages 2 and 6—one involving simple relations of representations.

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• Child Growth And Development Final Exam

  The major controversy among the various structural theories seems to be whether this level is in fact the beginning of Piagetian concrete operations or a separate reorganization distinct from concrete operations. Many of the structural approaches recasting Piaget's concepts in information-processing terms have treated this level as the beginning of concrete operations Case, ; Halford and Wilson, ; Pascual-Leone, For Piaget , the second level, that of concrete operations, first appears at age in middle-class children. In many of the new structural theories, concrete operations constitute an independent level, not merely an elaboration of the level involving simple relations of representations Biggs and Collis, ; Fischer, ; Flavell, The child comes to be able to deal systematically with the complexities of representations and so can understand what Piaget described as the logic of concrete objects and events.

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  For example, conservation of amount of clay first develops at this level. In social cognition the child develops the capacity to deal with complex problems about perspectives Flavell, and to coordinate multiple social categories, understanding, for example, role intersections, such as that a man can simultaneously be a doctor and a father to a girl who is both his patient and his daughter Watson, Children develop a new ability to generalize across concrete instances and to handle the complexities of some tasks requiring hypothetical reasoning.

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  Preadolescents, for example, can understand and use a general definition for a concept such as addition or noun Fischer et al. Some theories treat this level as the culmination of concrete operations, because it involves generalizations about concrete objects and events Biggs and Collis, Others consider it to be the start of something different—the ability to abstract or to think hypothetically Case, ; Fischer, ; Gruber and Voneche, ; Halford and Wilson, ; Jacques et al. Recent research indicates that cognitive development does not stop with the level that emerges at age Indeed, performance on Piaget's formal operations tasks even continues to develop throughout adolescence Martarano, ; Neimark, A number of theorists have suggested that a fourth level develops after the beginning of formal operations—the ability to relate abstractions or hypotheses, emerging at age in middle-class Western children Biggs and Collis, ; Case, ; Fischer et al.

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  At this fourth level, adolescents can generate new hypotheses rather than merely test old ones Arlin, ; they can deal with relational concepts, such as liberal and conservative in politics Adelson, ; and they coordinate and combine abstractions in a wide range of domains. Additional levels may also develop in late adolescence and early adulthood Biggs and Collis, ; Case, ; Fischer et al. At these levels, individuals may able to deal with complex relations among abstractions and hypotheses and to formulate general principles integrating systems of abstractions. Unfortunately, criteria for testing the reality of the four school-age levels have not been clearly explicated in most cognitive-developmental investigations. There seems to be little question that some kind of significant qualitative change in behavior occurs during each of the four specified age intervals, but researchers have not generally explicated what sort of qualitative change is substantial enough to be counted as a new level or stage.

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